Intersectional Rhetoric: A Critical Literature Review
Sylvia Rust
Com 312
Intersectional Rhetoric: A Critical Literature Review
Introduction
This paper will attempt to collectivise well known intersectional rhetorical arguments. Intersectionality is the notion that identities should not be looked at separately. In rhetorical studies, intersectionality is important for studying social movements, rhetorical history, and social identities. Starting with Crenshaw’s 1989 “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics” through Kearl’s 2016 article, “‘Prison is Bullshit’”, I look at the importance of Structural Intersectionality, Political Intersectionality, and Representational Intersectionality. Structural Intersectionality looks at material as it relates to overlapping hierarchies (Carrie Crenshaw, 1997), political intersectionality refers to a political system meant to restrict/erase marginalized groups (specifically women of color), representational intersectionality is concerned with how gender and race construct larger narratives about women of color (Carrie Crenshaw, 1997).
Intersectionality is a fairly new concept to rhetorical studies. Aristotle nor the Sophists were writing about this term during the construction of rhetoric as an art. Taken from feminist theory, “Intersectionality” is the idea that identities cannot be looked at linearly, but like at a stoplight with distinctions such as race, sex, sexual orientation, gender, ability, education, class each playing a role in the traffic. Intersectionality is complex, and almost every study of intersectionality is a work-in-progress because there are always identities that can be constructed into the study. Throughout this paper, I will use a wide range of scholarship on the topic of intersectionality to break down the necessity of the Intersectional Rhetoric. I will place the articles into structural, political and.or representational intersectionality cases to discuss the importance of the scholarship in contemporary rhetorical and feminist studies.
Summary
“Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory, and Antiracist Politics” by Kimberle Crenshaw (1989) was the first official article in rhetoric to lay out the need for intersectional thought in communication scholarship. Crenshaw uses court cases (Moore v. Hughes Helicopter, DeGraffenreid v. General Motors, and Payne v. Travenol) to discuss difficulties for black women in America to get justice because of their “complex” identity. The Moore case lays out a case of black women being discriminated against by a workplace. The women were not hired because of their identity. Because the company had hired black men and white women, the black woman identity was overlooked. The court did not agree that black women were a special class. They separated the race of the women and the gender making it more difficult and impossible for the women to win the suit. Society views normative blackness as being a black man, and normative woman-ness as being a white woman. Because black women are constructed of both of these identities, their viewpoints and lives are often erased and replaced by white dominating female empowerment.
This article started the conversation about intersectional rhetoric; without Crenshaw’s work, rhetoric would not be where it is today. Crenshaw’s work allows for us to dig deeper into political implications, be they institutional, cultural, or representational. Identity politics play a large role in rhetorical studies; being able to analysis intersectional rhetoric is helpful to communication theory.
“Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of Color” by Kimberle Crenshaw (1993) continues Crenshaw’s analysis of identity as a black woman, and in this article, as a woman of color in general. Crenshaw looks at the power dynamics because of identity politics, structural intersectionality, political intersectionality, and anti-racist politics. Crenshaw discusses institutional problems as it relates to violence against women of color. Shelters for Battered Women are often set up by middle-class white women and do not reflect a safe or accessible space for women of color. Not only are these shelters not ideal for women of color, but some laws are as well. For immigrant women of color, legislature like the Marriage Fraud Amendment that does not allow women to apply for permanent status for two years after getting married (and that being, if their spouse applied for conditional residency for them, which more than you’d hope, happens). A 1990 Immigration Act amendment ruled for a waiver for battered women, but even that was inaccessible for immigrants that are not financially capable, fluent in English, able to drive, etc. On top of these social groups and legislature, culture also plays a part in the demise of women of color.
In Crenshaw’s second article, “Mapping the Margins”, I enjoyed the analysis of immigration policies that many people are unaware of. Crenshaw, again, shows us the importance of representation in all aspects of the political spectrum. Crenshaw’s arguments are well thought out, contain examples, ways intersectionality would be better than the status quo.
“Defying (Dis)Empowerment in Battered Women’s Shelters: Moral Rhetorics, Intersectionality, and Processes of Control and resistance” (2012) by Amanda Gengler. Gengler discusses the problematic set-up of Battered Women’s Shelters set in place because of the normative white identity of women. The shelters were once meant to create social change, but many shelters are not helpful and can be just as controlling as the environments women have fled. Gengler uses the example of the Women’s Shelter called “Recourse” and how race, class, and gender play a role in control and resistance. Shelters like “Recourse” use empowerment to control women rather than help strengthen them.
Gengler’s study shows the importance of representational intersectionality. If women of color, poor women, trans women, etc. were included in the creation of shelters (or created their own shelters for battered women) like Recourse instead of going to shelters run by white women, the lives of battered women would get better. Because of structural intersectionality though, marginalized women are much less likely to have the ability to start their own organizations.
“Women in the Gulf War: Toward an Intersectional Feminist Rhetorical Criticism” (1997) by Carrie Crenshaw looks at the heteronormative, homophobic, whitewashed media coverage of the Gulf War. Crenshaw discusses the lack of black women in the media coverage of the Gulf War, despite them making up 40% of the women deployed there. “Female soldiers” were described as “Military moms” and depicted as white moms deployed; they played a part in the nuclear family, but “Military Dad”/“Male soldier” were never described in this way. The heterosexist norms of military proceedings are shown in these depictions, while sexual orientation and racial issues played big roles in military involvement in those days. Crenshaw looks at neo-colonial ideology as it compares Saudi Arabian sexism and American sexism, and the way we ignore our cultural problems by disqualifying the struggles and livelihoods of women from “developing/third world/colonial” countries.
This article by Crenshaw shows the problem with Western thought being implemented into other parts of the world. Many articles she cites focus on the societal problems with Saudi Arabia while ignoring anti-black, homophobic sentiment happening in America. I think Crenshaw does a good job of illustrating this problem.
“Trashing the System: Social Movement, Intersectional rhetoric, and Collective Agency in the Young Lords Organization’s Garbage Offensive” by Darrel Enck-Wanzer (2006) looks at the intersection of speech, embodiment, and images as it relates to intersectional rhetoric and social movements. Enck-Wanzer distinguishes the El Barrio protests of the 1969 from other social movements - like Che’s revolution and the Black Power movement. Enck-Wanzer discusses how embodiment and images were not used instrumentally or to enforce the speech of the Young Lords Organization; they instead used embodiment, images and speech interchangeably because the movement was not about leaders or speeches, but the empowerment and changes for the Puerto Rican community in East Harlem.
Enck-Wanzer’s analysis of the Young Lords Organization was really thorough and interesting. I enjoyed learning about the YLO, especially as a The Get Down fan. I think it’s interesting how Enck-Wanzer took a twist on intersectionality and focused on speech, embodiment, and image. I thought it was refreshing to see issues that didn’t focus on women used as an intersectional topic.
“Disappearing Acts: Reclaiming Intersectionality in the Social Sciences in a Post-Black Feminist Era” (2012) by Nikol G. Alexander-Floyd discusses the problems with postmodern feminist thought that identities should be ruptured. This thought process delegitimizes the struggle with racist, sexist, homophobic problems we still deal with in the world. Using “intersectionality” as a catch all erases the experience and discrimination black women, specially, have to deal with in the world.
I agree with Alexander-Floyd. I have a lot of problems with feminist theory because it focuses so much on white women’s experiences. This article aligns perfectly with my own views on feminism today. Intersectional feminism is important, but when all groups together - voices of the more marginalized get pushed down and ignored -- causing more problems while we pretend like we are fixing them.
“(Im)mobile Metaphors: Toward an Intersectional Rhetorical History” (2012) by Carly Woods looks at spatial and geographic metaphors that are used often in rhetorical-historical and intersectional research. Woods discusses the importance of movements that have mobility and ability to extend and expand to others. She discusses “Borderlands” by Anzaldua as an example of how getting rid of borders allows for more progress to be made. Woods uses the example of Barbara Jordan, the first black woman to serve in Texas legislature and first African American woman elected to U.S. Congress, to bring to light the importance of her speech because it can transcend space and location. Because Jordan was the first black woman legislator in Texas, she could have used her speech to talk about black identity, but she instead used it to make a rhetorical point that can be applied to all marginalized groups.
Woods does something really interesting to me. She took a simple speech and turned it into an analysis of rhetoric. It goes to show that even acceptance speeches have an argument to them, and they can be used to include instead of exclude.
“Intersectionality: Mapping the Movements of a Theory” co-authored by Carbado, Crenshaw, Mays, Tomlinson, 2013. This article discusses how intersectionality, as a theory, is always analysis-in-process. Intersectionality cannot be a contained entity because it’s applicable to all theories/movements/rhetorical situations. Intersectionality is an international concept that isn’t only limited to American/Western culture or traditions. Intersectional moves engage black women, black men, challenge colonial processes, and is used during social movements along with Critical Race theory to enact social change.
This article shows the power intersectionality has on society. This paper, although short, laid out many things for readers to consider while reading.
“‘Is Gay the New Black?’: An Intersectional Perspective on Social Movement Rhetoric in California’s Proposition 8 Debate” (2015) by Michelle Kelsey Kearl illustrates the problem of analogizing the Civil Rights Movement and the Gay Marriage Debate. Kearl writes about the lack of black voices in the No on 8 campaign and the influx of white people in the commercials. After black Californians voted Yes on 8, white gays (Savage, in particular) were upset because they felt that the identities of gay men and black people and the discrimination against them were similar. To make parallels between the Civil Rights Movement and No on 8 and use the question: “Is Gay the New Black?” is to suggest that blackness is out and anti-black racism has been replaced by homophobia, when this is not true. Critical intersectional rhetoricians discuss the complication and cultural alienation of black gay Americans.
Kearl does a great job of drawing distinctions between the recent “Gay marriage” debate and the Civil Right Movement. Kearl shows the importance of contemporary rhetorical studies. It seems if gay marriage had been a hot topic before Crenshaw write “Demarginalizing”, the analogy between the CRM and gay marriage may have been less controversial. But because of Crenshaw’s work, Kearl’s analysis of the parallel plays an important role in critical intersectional rhetoric.
“‘Prison is Bullshit’: An Intersectional Analysis of Popular Culture Representations of the Prison Industrial Complex in Orange is the New Black” (2016). Michelle Kelsey Kearl writes about the show Orange is the New Black which focuses on a white prisoner, Piper Chapman, and uses her eyes and experience to watch the storyline of other prisoners, especially those of color. The show is an adaption from a memoir, but after season one, the producer, Jenji Kohan, took the reins and tried to make it a critique of the American Prison Industrial Complex. Although the show does show imperfections in the PIC, it does without countering social theory on institutional racism, sexism, and class bias. None of the prisoners are wrongly imprisoned, there’s no discussion of the school to prison pipeline, the ‘War on Drugs’, police violence outside of the prison (RIP Poussey). The show tries to be relatable, non-controversial, and contemporary, but it falls flat because it doesn’t question the status quo and it tries to make all the characters relatable -- which is not possible when there are different identities in play - transwomen, black women, Asian women, disabled, addicts, wealthy, poor, Amish.
“Prison is Bullshit” does a nice job of using examples of the three forms of intersectionality. The analysis of OITNB explains the problem with the pop culture notion of intersectionality that wants to be inclusive but falls short.
Evaluation
Each of these works of art plays an important role in crafting intersectional rhetoric, and as many of the author illustrated - intersectionality is a work-in-progress and will not end anytime soon. For my evaluation of these works, I will split them into different categories of intersectionality: structural, political, representative, to show how each fit into rhetorical scholarship.
Structural Intersectionality
Structural Intersectionality occurs when social structures that create and organize different social groups oppress us and influence lives. Crenshaw (1991) and Gengler (2012)’s analysis of the shelter system both lay out ways that institutions/social structures oppress women, especially women of color. Crenshaw writes about the Marriage Fraud Amendment of the Immigration Act of 1990. This Amendment makes it nearly impossible for non-English immigrants to get help and out of abusive marriages within the first two years of marriage. Enck-Wanzer writes about the YLO and their issues with “the system”, the trash company in NYC – they dealt with racist employees at the trash company and had to revolt to have their trash picked up. Kearl discusses structural intersectionality with the PIC (Prison) and legislature (Gay).
Crenshaw (1997) writes about the impact structural norms in the military have on those that do not belong to these categories. She points out that while “female soldier” and “military mom” were used frequently, never have male soldiers been identified by their sex because male identity in the military is normative.
Political Intersectionality
Political Intersectionality occurs when individuals become silenced because some of their social categories intersect and contradict themselves. In the Moore case, in Crenshaw’s premiere article about intersectionality, Moore’s identity was conflicting because the company didn’t discriminate against women or against black men, so the case was thrown out. Black woman identity matters, and intersectionality addresses that. Woods writes in “(Im)mobile Metaphors” about the crossroads black women face because of social norms that says black = male and woman = white.
Crenshaw (1997) illustrates the political intersection faced by women in the United States versus those in Arab countries. The media portrayed American women as outspoken, harsh, freethinking and by doing so - made Arab women look submissive, lacking agency, and accepting of their role in the sexist society. When in reality, many women in Arab countries (Saudi Arabia, specifically) have fought back against sexist laws, while sometimes in the United States, sexist implications are overlooked by comparing our patriarchal democracy to patriarchal kingdoms.
Representative Intersectionality
Representative Intersectionality occurs when stereotypes are presented and effect those who are members of the stereotyped social group. Bad stereotypes are not helpful or productive for anyone, as we can see in Gengler’s analysis of The Color Purple. The Color Purple showed black men as abusive, rapists, etc. Just as these stereotypes negatively impact communities, the lack of representation can be just as harmful.
In Kearl’s “Is Gay the New Black?”, we see how lack of representation can impact policy change. If No on 8 had included Latin and black voices, their outreach would have been much more successful. But instead they focused on white identity and compared and commandeered the Civil Rights Movement for their own (white gay) agenda. In “Prison is Bullshit”, because of the narrative as a white, upper-class cis woman, the identities that Kohan tries to include become more about how many marginalized groups can be included rather than why they are marginalized, who is discriminating against them, and how can the audience challenge this system.
In Disappearing by Alexander-Floyd, we see the impact popularly defined ‘intersectional feminism’ has on black identity. Because of the term, racist and misogynistic arts/rhetoric has been swept under the rug so to show that advancements have been made in feminism, but when we characterize everything intersectional, nothing is truly intersectional.
In “Women in the Gulf War”, Crenshaw writes about the impact heterosexist, white military standards have on black female soldiers. The media didn’t show black women in the war, even though 40% of the women deployed were black. The media used examples of white military moms blasting over non-hetero identity of people of color.
Conclusion
These articles each start a conversation: some about identity politics, heterosexism, institutional failure, lack of representation, blatant discrimination, and racist/sexist policies. The works of these scholars play an important role in rhetorical studies that have for so long analyzed arguments without questioning the status quo.
The only criticism I had while reading these articles was in the garbage offense and about battered women shelters. I would have liked to see more of an analysis from Enck-Wanzer about women in El Barrio because I felt like, after reading Crenshaw, that I needed to know about the involvement of women in the YLO garbage offensive. As far as battered women shelters, I would like to have known how transwomen were treated in facilities like this. Knowing that these articles were written in the early 90s obviously makes it hard to be upset that transwomen weren’t included, be that they were pretty heavily discriminated against and in the shadowed until recently. I just wonder if groups like Recourse would discriminate more harshly against trans immigrant women of color and how it reflects in terms of political, structural, and representational intersectionality.
Intersectional rhetoric ensures that all social categories get accounted for. No study of intersectional rhetoric is complete because it is always changing, a work-in-progress. Because of intersectional rhetoric, the political system, institutions, and representations get criticized more than they have before. When we evaluate norms and resist them, not only do our lives today get better, but the future is more accepting and representative of the world. For so long our norm has been white, middle-class men. Even when we talk about women, the conversation often focuses on white women and ignores the identity of women of color. Intersectional feminism has helped to shape our social movements to be more inclusive, but because of the political climate and lack of a public opinion -- the feminist movement has a hard time forming a (counter)public. So many identities are conflated into one “intersectional feminist” ideology and by doing this, it erases the struggle and resilience of marginalized groups.
Within intersectional rhetorical scholarship, we find value in persona and identification. Paying attention to your audience, that you want and that you exclude, plays an important role in political and structural intersectionality. Representational intersectionality is dependant on identity politics that plague our lives, politically and structurally.
Because of scholars like Kimberle Crenshaw, Amanda Gengler, Carrie Crenshaw, Darrel Enck-Wanzer, Michelle Kearl, Nikol Alexander-Floyd, and Carly Woods -- communication scholarship has advanced to include more contemporary, inclusive analysis of gender, sex, race, nationality, etc. Scholars like Kenneth Burke started the conversation about dramatism, identification, consubstantiality, but scholars like Crenshaw have made waves in communication studies by illustrating the importance of identity and oscillating counterpublics that have spent too long in the dark.
References
Alexander-Floyd, N. G. (2012). Disappearing Acts: Reclaiming Intersectionality in the Social Sciences in a Post-Black Feminist Era. Feminist Formations, 24(1), 1-25.
Carbado, D. W., Williams Crenshaw, K., Mays, V. M., & Tomlinson, B. (2013). Intersectionality: Mapping the Movements of a Theory. Du Bois Review, 303-312.
Crenshaw, C. (1997). Women in the Gulf War: Toward an intersectional feminist rhetorical criticism. Howard Journal of Communications, 8(3), 219-235.
Crenshaw, K. (1989). Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics. University of Chicago Legal Forum, 1989(1), 8th ser.
Crenshaw, K. (1991). Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color. Stanford Law Review, 43(6), 1241.
Enck-Wanzer, D. (2006). Trashing the System: Social Movement, Intersectional Rhetoric, and Collective Agency in the Young Lords Organizations Garbage Offensive. Quarterly Journal of Speech, 92(2), 174-201.
Gengler, A. M. (2012). Defying (Dis)Empowerment in a Battered Women's Shelter: Moral Rhetorics, Intersectionality, and Processes of Control and Resistance. Social Problems, 59(4), 501-521.
Kearl, M. K. (2015). “Is Gay the New Black?”: An Intersectional Perspective on Social Movement Rhetoric in California’s Proposition 8 Debate. Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies, 12(1), 63-82.
Kearl, M. (2016). "Prison is Bullshit": An Intersectional Analysis of Popular Culture Representations of the Prison Industrial Complex in Orange is the New Black. Communication Perspectives in Popular Culture, 115-127.
